'Mohammed Morsi Essay\r'

'The Moslem labor union’s Mohammed Morsi has fuck withdraw Egypt’s original freely elective president after a slow mint announcement of the results of last weekend’s runoff. He beat former immemorial Minister Ahmed Shafiq by more than nigh 900,000 votes. Morsi secured 51.7% of the vote, comp bed to 48% for Shafiq.\r\nMohammed Morsi heads the Freedom and arbiter Party (FJP), the Muslim sodality’s semi semi semi semi semi managemental arm.\r\nMubarak appointed Shafik as prime minister in response to the protests against his g ein truthplacenment. Shafik resigned a little more than a month later amid protests decrying him as a holdoer from a discredited, ousted regime. Supports the Supreme Council of the fortify Forces (SCAF): â€Å"SCAF is unspoilt on the nose about power hand ein truthplace and is seeking to achieve the goals of the novelty. SCAF keep sleddings at an compeer distance from either semipolitical and apparitional powers.” parliamentary resources:\r\nthe Muslim conjugation’s Freedom and legal expert companionship seems set to emerge as the bear-sizedgest winner, with close to analysts estimating it impart capture about 40% of seating in the recent legislature. Al-Nour, a more bourgeois Salafist ships company, looks plausibly to secure second place.\r\nThe Muslim coupling (k forthwithn in Arabic as al-Ikhwan al-Muslimeen) is Egypt’s oldest and largest Islamist organization. As the intimately organized immunity stem pursual the ouster of former prexy Hosni Mubarak in 2011, the coupling became the country’s dominant political force, win a near volume of seats in the post-revolution parliament, and its advisedidate, Mohammed Morsi, winning the presidency. Some Egyptians argon concerned over the group’s sop up to establish a verbalise recoverd by shariah law, or Islamic law, and ambiguity over its obedience for human goods. such c oncerns intensified after Morsi announced sore brush powers for the presidency in late 2012 and a enlist of theproposed constitution was published. The domestic political ch all in allenges as well as turn in a difficult road for U.S.-Egypt relations, especially with regards to orthogonal aid.\r\nThe Freedom and rightness Party (FJP), the political party of the Muslim pairing, could non agree make do into creation without the 25 January revolution. Up to that snip, the Muslim matrimony (MB), Egypt’s about sizable Islamist organization, was not only denied the right to form parties, entirely resemblingwise barred †at to the lowest degree legally †from political livelihood. As a result, the group had to pay a heavy expense in detentions and repression to practice politics under the sway of former professorship Hosni Mubarak. The group had been trying to bring forth a foothold in the country’s political atomic number 18na for decades further was met with entrenched rivalry by the Mubarak regime, which tended to accommodate the wedlock, solely only inside strict limits.\r\nNow, after the 25 January uprising, the group’s political ambitions nominate resurged on an unprecedented scale. formally founded in May 2011, the FJP tell aparts that it is committed to a juvenile state, nation, women’s rights, and discipline unity. The FJP’s initial rank of nearly nine thousand included whizz thousand women and cardinal hundred Copts. New members are subject to a tentative period of sextette months after which, and based on their performance record, they experience eligible for permanent membership. The FJPâ€along with the Salafist Al-Nourâ€is among a in truth few Egyptian political parties that issue probationary membership Formed concretion with name of participatory onlyiance (Freedom and legal expert)\r\nAl-Nour Party\r\nEstablished in the invoke of the 25 January uprising, Al-N our (â€Å"The Light”) Party is the largest of Egypt’s tierce licensed Salafist parties (the other deuce be Al-Asala and Al-Fadila Parties). It was establish by Al-Da‘wa Al-Salafiyya (â€Å"The Salafist Call”), Egypt’s largest Salafist group, usually cutn as Al-Daawa Movement. Al-Daawa started in Alexandria where it now enjoys a considerable following.\r\nAl-Nour Party was formally licensed in June 2011. Official registration is of paramount importance in Egypt at the present cadence, as the current election law limits the right to contest two-thirds of the seats of the approaching parliament to a limited number of formalizedly registered parties, including Al-Nour. Under the rule of former President Hosni Mubarak, the state generally did not allow for the formation of Islamist parties, but after the revolution slightly(prenominal) Islamist groups managed to obtain official political party license.\r\nThe Islamist bloc is an electoral d ensification formed by collar Islamist political parties with the aim to integrate their efforts in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The Islamist Bloc is comprised of the Salafist Al-Nour and Al-Asala Parties, as well as the Building and schooling Party, the latter of which was founded by the Islamic Group (Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiya).\r\nWafad party:\r\nWafd Party is genius of Egypt’s oldest vainglorious parties and is expect to play a signifi cigarett role in the upcoming elections. With deposed President Hosni Mubarak’s feeling party officially disbanded, Wafd has emerged as an influential player in the political arena. The party commands the largest network that any political party in Egypt possesses today, covering major cities in twenty-four out of twenty-six Egyptian governorates. With a distinguished group of covering Egyptian businessmen on its membership list, Al-Wafd stands out as one of the few established parties that do not saying the same financial constraints that devour historically challenged many of the country’s political parties. The party also enjoys a very strong presence in the media, thanks to its famous daily watchwordpaper, its Internet portal, and a professional, well-equipped media department.\r\nAdditionally, Wafd’s current leader Al-Sayed Al-Badawi is owner of Al-Hayat, one of Egypt’s top five television channels. much(prenominal) are luxuries that very few Egyptian parties possess. Wafd’s history dates back to the beginning of party life under the monarchy, making it the oldest among existing Egyptian political parties. The name of the party is Arabic for â€Å"The Delegation,” and it references Saad Zaghloul’s go about in 1919 to lead a popular deputation to the post-World War I Paris Peace conference to demand independence for Egypt against the bequeath of British communication channel authorities. Threatened by the immense popular living that Zaghloul was able to garner for his mission, British authorities exiled the Egyptian groundalist leader along with members of the prospective delegacy to Malta. This move instigated a mass uprising, which led to the 1919 Revolution.\r\nThe Egyptian Bloc:\r\nThe Egyptian Bloc consists of the Free Egyptians Party, the Egyptian Social Democratic Party and Al-Tagammu Party. The Bloc is frequently portrayed as a â€Å" profane-leaning” alliance that seeks to defend the influence of the Muslim joinin the upcoming elections, specifically the union led Democratic all toldiance’s electoral spinal fusion. Members of the Bloc announced in early November that their fusion is not simply a short-term electoral coalition, but encompasses a long-term political alliance aimed at turning Egypt into a civil egalitarian state.\r\nMagdi Abdelhad:iMiddle East analyst\r\nThe Islamists’ rise to power in Egypt leave alone send shockwaves through the courts and palaces of conservative Arab kings and presidents who redress tried for decades to put the lid on political Islam. only foremost among Egypt’s neighbours who watched the frat’s success with increasing alarm is Israel. majuscule of Egypt was the prime(prenominal) Arab state to sign a wild pansy accord with Israel and the brotherhood has traditionally been vehemently opposed to that. besides its opposition has softened over the course of studys †at least publicly.\r\nIt is widely believed that the Muslim Brotherhood have reas authorizedd Washington that an Islamist government in Egypt would respect the peace jazz with Israel. Given also that the ruling legions council spontaneous continue to have the nett say on matters of war and peace, it is unlikely that the brotherhood can put that peace at risk. It is also more likely that Mr Mursi’s immediate antecedence will be to concentrate on Egypt’s many daunting domestic problems including rampant impoverishment and unemployment.\r\nDebating leaders:\r\nhttp://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/21/opinion/21iht-edzewail21.html?page compulsioned=all\r\nFrom the time of Ramses II, the strong pharaoh who ruled Egypt thousands of familys ago, until last year when Hosni Mubarak’s reign ended, Egyptians were never able to go through a debate over who should undertake over the democratic reins in the highest office of the land. Our untested civilisation of debate, together with the election of the Parliament last December, are milestones in the history of the nation, pavage a bare-assed, but rocky, path toward democracy. The open debate mingled with the secular and religious orientations of politics was unthinkable over the prehistorical 60 long time. This new openness means the Egyptian body politic is maturing. In the end, Egyptians live that, for the first time, they can choose their future. It won’t be dictated or imposed by anyone.\r\n array treasureed revo:\r\nUnlike in nearby Syr ia or in advance in Libya, the Egyptian Army has taken the high road and protected the revolution in its infancy. And it has been the guardian of these unprecedented transparent elections.\r\nProblems:\r\nAmong the most serious problems are economic hardship, the uncertainty of the political mode and the deterioration of certification †a feature that Egyptian decree faces anew. These problems have been compounded over the retiring(a) 15 months as each of the three important constituencies involved in the revolution †the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which is in charge of the transition period; the politically imperfect as well as Islamic-oriented parties; and the younker who triggered the uprising †have stumbled in one behavior or another.\r\nLittle bloodshed:\r\nIt is a anticipant sign indeed that we Egyptians are still marchland forward toward democracy with relatively little bloodshed. All signs indicate that a counterrevolution is not in breed for Egypt. We will not turn back to a totalitarian governing system. Perhaps the most supporting(a) of all is the confidence of Egyptians in their future.\r\nIn Egypt, a Victory for Democracy but Fear for the in store(predicate):\r\nhttp://www.businessweek.com/articles/2012-06-25/in-egypt-a-victory-for-democracy-but- cultism-for-the-future â€Å"So many questions remain unanswered that what can best be said is that either SCAF and the Brotherhood have worked out a deal of some sort or the political jousting has only erect begun,” wrote Issandr El Amrani, a popular blogger on Egyptian politics. â€Å"Both the Brothers and SCAF have positioned themselves in a fashion in which backing down from their respective positions on the question of parliament and the Supplemental Constitutional annunciation would be a loss of face.” Tensions ran high for two weeks, when the SCAF anticipate legislative responsibilities after shutting down the Islamist-controlled Parlia ment, announced a Supplemental Constitutional result that drastically reduced presidential powers, and gave themselves the ability to interdict articles of draft copys of Egypt’s new constitution.\r\nThey also reintroduced martial law, allowing soldiers to hold off civilians. Critics called their actions a soft coup. The Muslim Brotherhood, the most powerful political player in Egypt, has on the egress refused to accept any of these decisions, staging a attend in Tahrir foursquare and issuing aggressive statements to the media, all the while vowing to pressure the forces government to lift their declarations. It was a rare move, as the pragmatic group is more generally known for cutting deals with the regime rather than going toe-to-toe. Last week, with the possibility of a victory by Ahmed Shafiq, the other vista in the run-off election who is widely viewed as aligned with the military machine, the Brotherhood showed a voluntaryness to work with the ultra groups it had mostly handle since the uprising against Mubarak.\r\nMorsi pledged to form a national salvation government to include secular politicians, Christians, and women. â€Å"The big question is: Can they build a broader, more inclusive front that can effectively challenge SCAF’s grip on power?” asks Shadi Hamid, manager of research at the Brookings Doha Center. â€Å"Now that care [of Shafiq’s victory] has passed, is on that point still enough that binds [the opposition groups] together? I do think the Brotherhood has at least implicitly acknowledged the mistakes of young months and they have tried to strike a more conciliatory tone, and the recognition that they can’t do this alone because they are fighting a very challenging adversary: SCAF and the old regime.” To add to the challenges of streamlet a country with a crumbling economy, President Morsi won with a narrow margin, garnering 51.7 percentage of the vote. He had promised to be the president of all Egyptians during his first address to the nation Sunday night.\r\nâ€Å"The game was being played almost like a game of poker on both sides,” says Hani Shukrallah, managing editor of the English-language online version of the Al Ahramnewspaper. â€Å"If we have reached a agree, that’s a bit cooperative for healing the deep schisms [within] bon ton. We have a society that’s been split down the middle, with enormous polarization. or so of the peck who voted for Morsi did so out of dread [of] Shafiq.” On a side street leading to Tahrir Square on Sunday night, Ehab El Shawi led his three children to the epicenter of the celebration in the birthplace of Egypt’s uprising.\r\nLike many, he was caught between rejoicing at the idea of a new president and the reality of the office’s lack of power. â€Å"This is the first time all Egyptian pack made a survival in 7,000 years to elect a normal Egyptian citizen. This is the firs t time we have emancipation in more than 60 years,” El Shawi said happily of the first non-military president in Egypt’s history. â€Å"But we have to change all the decisions taken during the presidential elections and force the powers to pick up Dr.Morsi will have all the power to make Egypt a modern country,” he added. â€Å"We still need to take Egypt back from the old regime.\r\n………………………..\r\nTimeline:\r\nAnti-Mubarak protests\r\n2010 February †Former UN nuclear foreland Mohammed ElBaradei returns to Egypt and, together with opposition figures and activists, forms a coalition for political change. ElBaradei says he might run in presidential election scheduled for 2011. 2010 walk †President Mubarak undergoes gall-bladder surgical operation in Germany, returning to Egypt three weeks later. 2010 June †Muslim Brotherhood bumps to win any seats in elections to the Shura advisory upper h ouse of parliament; alleges vote was rigged. 2010 November †Coptic Christians clash with police in Giza over anatomical structure of church. Parliamentary polls, followed by protests against alleged vote rigging. Muslim Brotherhood fails to win a single seat, though it held a fifth of the places in the last parliament. 2011 January †21 started in bomb at church in Alexandria where Christians had gathered to mark the New Year. Anti-government demonstrations, apparently advance by Tunisian street protests which prompted sudden dispute of President Ben Ali.\r\nPresident Mubarak reshuffles his cabinet but fails to tranquillize demonstrators, whose calls for his resignation grow louder. Days later he promises to step down in family. 2011 February †President Mubarak locomote down and hands power to the army council. 2011 March †Egyptians approve package of inbuilt reforms aimed at paving the way for new elections. 2011 April †Former President Mubarak and hi s sons, Ala and Gamal, are arrested on suspicion of corruption. 2011 April- august †Protests continue in Cairo’s Tahrir Square over slow footfall of political change. Islamist groups come to the fore. Army finally disperses protestors in August. 2011 August †Former President Mubarak goes on running play in Cairo, charged with tell the killing of demonstrators earlier in the year.\r\n2011 October †Clashes between Coptic Christians and security forces kill 24 people. Egypt and Israel swap 25 Egyptians in Israeli custody for a US-Israeli citizen accused of spying. 2011 November †Violence in Cairo’s Tahrir square as security forces clash with protesters accusing the military of trying to persist their grip on power. Prime Minister EssamSharaf resigns in response to the unrest. Start of parliamentary elections. 2011 December †subject field unity government headed by new Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri takes office. 2012 January †Islamist parties emerge as victors of drawn-out parliamentary elections. 2012 March †Pope Shenouda III, the veteran head of the Coptic Church, dies. 2012 April †Crisis in relations with Saudi Arabia over the Saudi detention of an Egyptian lawyer briefly threatens the real(a) aid that the Saudis provide Egypt.\r\nFirst free presidential poll\r\n2012 May †Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Mursi tops the first round of voting in first free presidential elections, narrowly ahead of Mubarak-era prime minister Ahmed Shafiq. Official media put end product at a low 43%. armed services leaders announce the end of the state of urgency in place since Anwar al-Sadat’s assassination in 1981, as its last renewal expires. 2012 June †Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Mursi narrowly wins presidential election.Armyvs civilian rule approach sentences ex-President Mubarak to life in prison for complicity in the killing of protesters during the 2011 uprising. 2012 July â⠂¬ President Mursi submits to a Supreme Court ruling that the parliamentary elections were invalid, after initially ordering parliament to meet in defiance of a military decree dissolving it in June.\r\n2012 August †New prime ministerHishamQandil appoints a cabinet rule by figures from the outgoing government, technocrats and Islamists, to the exclusion of secular parties. Islamist fighters assail an army outpost in Sinai, killing 16 soldiers, and mount a brief incursion into Israel, set off the tenuousness of government control over the largely-lawless area. President Mursi dismisses self-denial Minister Tantawi and Chief of Staff Sami Annan and strips military of say in legislation and drafting the new constitution. 2012 September †Egypt kills 32 militants and destroys 31 smuggling tunnels to Gaza in an nauseous against militants who attacked troops in Sinai in August. 2012 November †Bishop Tawadros is chosen as the new pope of Egypt’s Coptic Christians. \r\nPresident Mursi issues a decree giving himself extensive new powers. The decree sparks angry demonstrations and is condemned by Egypt’s top judges, who accuse him of undermining the independence of the judiciary. The Islamist-dominated constituent manufacturing tasked with physical composition a new constitution approves all 234 articles of the draft constitution, which boosts the role of Islam in Egypt’s system of government. The assembly academic term is boycotted by liberal, left-wing and Christian members. The vote is held earlier than originally scheduled, after Egypt’s constitutional court threatened to dissolve the constituent assembly. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-13315719\r\n……………………………\r\nhttp://www.brookings.edu/research/reports/2012/01/23-egypt-indyk\r\nProspects for Democracy in Egypt:\r\nThere’s a conventional wisdom in the united States that Arabs are incapa ble of sustaining a true Western-style, liberal democracy. It will take them hundreds of years to acquire a â€Å"democratic culture,” the argument goes. And in the meantime new authoritarian regimes †either Islamist or military †will replace the ones that have been overthrown in the last(prenominal) year and give us all a lesson in â€Å"Arab democracy.” Advocates of this view were the first to announce, with all-knowing smiles, that the Arab Spring had become an Arab Winter. When Islamist parties won free and mostly fair elections in Tunisia, Egypt and Morocco in recent months, the proponents of this view had an â€Å"I told you so” moment and they were quick to pick apart anybody who said differently as hopelessly naive.\r\nAfter a draw out hibernation, politics has broken out in Cairo, the capital of the Arab Awakenings. For the first time in six decades people are acquiring a taste for freedom and, yes, Western-style democratic politics. The i ssues they debate so vigorously are critical to the shape of Egypt’s democratic future: What will be the residual powers of the Egyptian military? What’s the best model for dividing powers between the judicature and the Parliament? What revisions should be made to the Constitution to ensure democratic rule?\r\nAt the same time, the newly-elected parties are busy engaging in the horse-trading necessary to coalition politics, since no one party gained a majority (the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party won around 47 percent of the vote; the Salafi Al-Nour Party won 25 percent, and a variety of liberal parties won the rest.). We were treated to an horrific sight: Salafi religious purists attempting to negotiate an alliance with liberal secularists. How did they justify such a pragmatic deal?\r\nThe enemy of my enemy is my friend, one of them explained to us. They can both agree on a short-term political agenda: countering the influence of the Muslim Br otherhood and get the army out of politics. And what about the imposition of sharia law? The leader of the Salafi Al-Nour Party noted that his party is comfortable with the conservative nature of Egyptian society so a driveway to impose sharia law is unnecessary. They can be satisfied (at least for the time being) with the existing language of Article 2 of the Constitution which states that the â€Å"principles” of Islamic shariah will point the state.\r\nThis kind of pragmatic politics is deeply strike to the â€Å"Costa Salafis” †a young generation of Salafis whose jury-rigged headquarters is in a Costa cafe. They denounce their elders not so much for being willing to compromise, which they readily accept as part of the new politics, but of failing to articulate through â€Å"fatwas” the religious basis for those compromises. It’s as if the Salafi leadership, propelled onto the political make up for the first time, has become unplugged and f eels able to do any(prenominal) is necessary in the political realm to protect its community of social conservatives. They reminded me of the religious parties in Israel!\r\nMeanwhile, the Muslim Brotherhood is busy making its own compromises with the military and with other liberal parties that would enable its Freedom and Justice Party to build a governing and sceptred coalition (at the moment, they can control the parliament but until its powers are defined in the constitution and the military hands over power, they cannot control the government). Whereas the Salafis are aspect to constrain the Muslim Brotherhood, the MB is focused on how to ease fears of its intentions.\r\nAfter operating for 80 years in the political wilderness, the MB has learned just how fragile this moment could turn out to be. That’s why its leadership is more willing to compromise with the military than the other parties to its left and right. Consequently, the other parties fear that the MB will sell them out to the military in some sweetheart deal that compromises the revolution and their abilities to use democratic rules of the game to constrain the MB and hold the military accountable.\r\nThis tension will likely limpid itself in the massive demonstrations that are expect on January 25 in Tahrir Square to tick off the first anniversary of the Revolution. The military and the MB have called for a celebration, complete with party balloons and patriotic songs. jejuneness activists and some liberal parties, particularly exercised by the eighty some demonstrators who were killed by the police and the army in crackdowns in November and December last year, are craft for a demonstration against military rule. Some of the far-left revolutionary youth are calling for a campaign of violence.\r\nThe way the January 25 demonstrations play out will be only one of the ways in which â€Å"square politics” and â€Å"party politics” interact in Egypt’s newly dyna mic democracy. All the parties feel that they can claim legitimacy from the people’s mandates that they have received in the elections. This empowers them to stand up to the military in demanding that it leave the political arena promptly and allow Egyptian democracy to have its day. If the military focuses only on defend its narrow interests (e.g., retaining its business interests, claiming immunity from prosecution for past actions, demanding only responsibility for protecting the state’s borders), and so a reasonable compromise can be fashioned. However, if the military insists on specifying reserve powers in the constitution and protecting its budget from civilian oversight, then the people know the way back to Tahrir Square. As one newly-elected parliamentarian put it: â€Å"We are legitimate now; the army is not.”\r\nAnd what about the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty? We didn’t raise the issue †they did. It came up in most conversations in the foll owing way: â€Å"We have been elected by the people. We’re responsible to them. The people want stability, above all. They want the police back in the streets and calm and predictability restored to their daily lives. We don’t like the way Israel treats the Palestinians. We don’t like the toll that Israel pays for Egyptian gas. But we’re not going to mess with the peace treaty.” That sentiment is so widely shared that one of the heads of the Muslim Brotherhood could confine to the New York Times last week that the peace treaty is a â€Å"commitment of the state,” and therefore will be respected.\r\nThe sense of responsibility that rests on the shoulders of those who would govern 87 million people is palpable. They know the unforgiving economic straits that they will have to confront. They know that neither tourists nor foreign investment will return to Egypt unless there is a clear commitment to stability. And they know the people will no t forgive them if they fail to address their basic needs for order, jobs and housing. In short, newly-elected Egyptian politicians †the Muslim Brotherhood first and foremost †go through that they have to make a choice between feeding the people and fighting Israel, and for the time being they have made a conscious choice of bread over bombs.\r\nThe fact that Palestine is not a priority for the Egyptian people has been manifest since the early days of the revolution. It was underscored for me during a lecture I gave at the American University in Cairo, just off Tahrir Square. A Palestinian student, draped in a Palestinian flag, stood with a makeshift banner in silent protest at the front of the hall. in spite of this prominent reminder, during the ensuing ninety-minute Q&A session with students and journalists no-one asked a question about Palestine.\r\nTo be sure, there’s always the risk that populist politicians will outbid each other in their demagogy on th e Palestinian issue, especially if Israeli-Palestinian violence flares. But Israel is particularly sensitive to this possibility and the Muslim Brotherhood is apparently signaling its Hamas branch to keep things quiesce too. (With 350 trucks a day passing from Israel into Gaza, and smuggling of weapons through the tunnels continuing apace, Hamas has its own reasons for maintaining the current de facto ceasefire with Israel.)\r\nWhat was perhaps most striking to me, however, was the attitude of the new political ground level to the fall in States. I had expected to encounter antagonism †after all the United States had been Mubarak’s stem ally through the three decades of his Pharaohnic rule. I had assumed that the Islamist politicians in particular would be antagonistic towards American influence in post-revolutionary Egypt, just as the Persian clerics have manifested intense antagonism towards the United States since their revolution.\r\n but Egypt’s Islamis ts all seemed keen to engage with the United States government. The Muslim Brotherhood was trying to understand President Obama’s intentions in demanding that the military hand over power to civilian (i.e. Muslim Brotherhood) rule, â€Å"expeditiously.” They weren’t sure how to deal with the fact that Bill Burns, the Deputy repository of State, had just met with their leadership. But one thing they were very certain about †they need U.S. economic financial aid and U.S. help in mobilizing international assistance. They were therefore sort of anxious to know how Congress would treat them.\r\nBecause of this new U.S. Government engagement with their arch-rivals, the Salafis too are seeking American recognition. Their leaders are keen to come to Washington to explain their intentions. They even appear willing to engage with Israel to establish their bona fides †one of their leaders tardily gave an interview to Israeli Army Radio.\r\n'